Reprinted with permission as a public service by the Landmark Society of the Niagara Frontier, now the Preservation Buffalo Niagara


Houses of Worship: A Guide to the Religious Architecture of Buffalo, New York
By James Napora
Table of Contents

[Ed. Note: The green section headings are not original; they were added to make reading on the Internet easier.]

Introduction

It was on an early morning drive into downtown Buffalo that the image first struck me. From the elevated roadbed of the I-190, 1saw the sun rising into a clear blue sky. With those first moments of sunlight, as the sky turned from the darkness of night to the oranges and reds of twilight, I saw them. Nestled deep within the once solid ethnic enclaves of the city's neighborhoods stood the proud reminders of the people whose sweat, labor and energies helped to build this City. For in this twilight could be seen not one, but dozens of them, each towering majestically over the individual neighborhoods which they helped to shape. Many a ghost of their former glory, many more still standing proud, these steeples and towers mark the locations of only a fraction of the city's many houses of worship.

An image such as this, as fleeting as it may have been from an automobile traveling along an interstate, only served to strengthen values founded and ideas formulated during my childhood. I had long recognized the importance of the house of worship for its effects in establishing and reinforcing the ties which give a neighborhood a sense of place for those residing in it. And I had long admired the house of worship as the one building type which consistently attracted my attention, be it through a towering steeple, a perceptibly impenetrable facade, a monumental stairway leading to an equally monumental set of doors, or to a small detail which is often lost in the sheer mass of the structure.

One sees the facade and revels in its splendor, its magnificence. But behind the facade lies the mystery, be it in the simple interiors of a carpenter gothic building or the often cavernous spaces of those which were once the focus for an entire group of immigrant people. It is in these spaces that the very people for whom the house of worship constituted such an important focus gathered for the veneration of a higher deity. Hidden away, they constitute some of the choicest interior spaces in the city.

The solemn feeling of breaching the facade, of passing through its massing, of grasping the handle and swinging open a monolithic door entering, one becomes enveloped in the dimly lit inner sanctuary constituting the heart of this spiritual world. The muffled sounds of the narthex, its floors and walls tiled or paneled surround us, directing us forward into the often enigmatic space formed by the nave, the aisles, the transept and the choir and apse. Each differs in its degree of refinement and ornamentation. Yet, all elicit a similar response of awe and respect. And as one proceeds, the echo of footsteps reverberates throughout the vastness, giving hints to hidden corners and expanses not yet perceptible. The eye is carried and attention is directed toward the altar. Standing proud at the visual termination of an axis, it pulls us forward. But the directness is momentary as the eye strays, the steps slow and the soaring vault of the ceiling quickly envelopes us. The rhythm of the columns lining the nave supporting it reinforces this directness and the eye once again travels to the front, sweeping in the brilliant luminosity of the stained glass. As the windows cast a radiant glow onto tiled floors, the marbled or paneled walls, the pews and the pillars, the senses are heightened and the response is one of reverence. Enveloped and captivated, we realize that we are in a place considered a special one, we have entered into the house of God.

This experience forms only a small part of the real importance of the house of worship. Much more than mere bricks and mortar, these buildings stand as a testament to the history of the city. Old and new alike, houses of worship are about who we are. Many dominate the neighborhoods in which they are located. Still more are hidden, unknown treasures located on the streets radiating from busy thoroughfares. Although one may tower higher than another, each is really important. Each stands as a statement to a specific time in the development of the city during which a person or group of people gathered together for a purpose. Often much more than a spiritual place, the houses of worship standing in the city tell us about who we are and where we came from.


Pre-1830 congregations

With the arrival of the earliest settlers to Western New York, there appeared a need for a force which would hold them together as a group. But in this outpost of civilization, deep within the forested lands of the indigenous population, the people were slow to organize spiritually. Rather, they initially relied upon the work of traveling missionaries to satisfy their spiritual wants and desires. Consequently, these early settlers had very few religious outlets. Prior to the year 1830, five congregations served the entire population of the Village of Buffalo and two served that of Black Rock.

Pre-1830 congregations: Moredecai Noah

Outside of the Presbyterians, the Episcopalians, the Catholics, the Baptists and the Methodists, each of whom were represented in the city by one congregation, the area's greatest early religious movement belonged to one man, Moredecai Noah, a Jew. Armed with a vision of creating a Zionist state in Western New York, Noah arrived here in 1825, purchasing 2,555 acres of land on Grand Island where he intended to create a Jewish State known as Ararat. Enduring months of criticism and ridicule about his plans, Noah persevered through the summer of 1825, attempting to garner support and solidify plans for Ararat. Lacking any kind of blessing for the project from all but those closest to it, by the end of the year he had abandoned his attempt at establishing a large religious community in the area. A carvedstone, the cornerstone of the Ararat community, now in the collection of the Buffalo and Erie County Historical Society, is all that remains of Noah's dream.

Although this early attempt at creating a large scale religious presence in the area failed, during the following years, with the influx of a vast immigrant population, the area witnessed a phenomenal increase in the number of religious congregations. Accompanying this rise was the construction of a vast number of houses of worship, some of which survive to this day.

Pre-1830 congregations: Germans

While not the only immigrant group to settle in the city during its formative years, the Germans, representing the largest of the early groups, are indicative of the struggles all groups encountered upon arriving here. Strangers in a strange land, they arrived here to escape the political turmoil and religious persecution occurring in their homeland. Seeking to establish a kind of community similar to that left behind, they, as did most immigrant groups, settled in close geographic proximity to one another, thus, creating the largest of the early ethnic neighborhoods, the German East Side.

Held together by the common thread of a language, the German East Side flourished as succeeding waves of immigrants arrived,reinforcing the solidity of an area whose growth showed little sign of stopping. Many, drawn by familial ties, settled in close proximity to loved ones. It was not uncommon to find members of the same family residing in adjacent homes lining the tightly built streets in the area, resulting in deeply rooted ties which further strengthened the community. If the need arose, residents would leave their neighborhoods only to seek work in other parts of the city, for as these areas developed, they became more or less self-supporting, providing for all the needs of the residents.

By 1850, with the East Side German population numbering almost 30,000 people, the area began to resemble a true German Town. Lining the streets were the shops of cabinet makers, shoe makers, cobblers, brick makers, wood workers, news printers, butchers,grocers, and brewers, providing for all the wants and needs of the residents. This further served to isolate them, as, with their needs provided for, they had little reason to venture far from home. Consequently, as a group, the Germans existed in a self-created environment of autonomy, where their language and the dialects of it, held them together as a homogenous group.

As with the Irish, and to an extent the Polish, a strict social hierarchy dominated the German population. Typical of, but in no means paramount to this hierarchy, was the neighborhood tavern, the remnants of which are still visible, marking the corners of the city's oldest ethnic enclaves. Well known for the beer gardens of their homeland, the Germans carried this tradition with them to their new home. Besides the approximately twenty breweries operating in the city prior to World War I a large number of smaller breweries operated out of the taverns and cottages. Catering to a distinctly ethnic, local clientele, they constituted a major social focus for entire groups of people, often being the place where one would meet friends, eat meals, dance or cash paychecks. Far transcending the obvious as a place or the consumption of alcohol, they constituted a significant place in the social backbone of every neighborhood. What Prohibition did not change, the popularization of the automobile and the subsequent decentralization of the city would.

Equally as important for its social influence, but serving a purpose which far transcends it, the house of worship served as an influence on and an indicator of the integrity and perseverance of all the early immigrant groups. Arriving here with little more than the clothes on their backs, and the dreams in their minds, they managed not only to build communities, but to build institutions which would form the backbones of those communities. No other nonpublic entity can be viewed as having a greater influence on the early development of the city than the house of worship did. The reasons for the rapid rise in the number of and the prominence of the house of worship within the city during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries are directly related to the needs of those people which helped to form them. Most often taken for granted, the house of worship serves a purpose which far exceeds its intended use as a gathering place for the beatification and worship of a deity.

To many of the early congregations, the house of worship served as a means of preserving their culture. With language as the key element of any culture, a large number of the city's congregations were formed as a means of identifying a particular group of people as members of that culture. Initially characteristic of the Germans, the Poles and the Italians also went on to form congregations which were meant to preserve and embellish the elements of their particular culture.

No group demonstrated the cohesiveness which a language could provide to the extent that the Germans did. Unwavering on the idea that language formed the basis of a solid community, the Germans were the foremost organizers of congregations holding true to the use of their native tongue in religious services and education. Their language constituted a unique element of their identity and to preserve and use their native tongue furnished the means with which to establish and maintain their identity in a city which had quickly become ethnically diverse. In viewing the earliest organized congregations in the city, well over half of them were formed on the basis of linguistic identification and of them, at least half were formed with the German language as the primary one used in both worship and schooling.


Schisms

Occasionally, the circumstance proved to be just the opposite for arriving immigrants. Seeking to become part of group of people who based their religious views on ideas similar to theirs, they would join an already established congregation. Although made to feel welcome to the group as a whole, they never quite felt as if they belonged to it. As the new arrivals often were not bilingual, they did not understand the language used in services. Therefore, those new members of an ethnicity which varied from that of the main group became isolated. Although they recognized the importance of remaining spiritually united, many of these "strangers" strayed from the core group. Seeking to establish one more attuned and tailored to their specific needs, they left the security of the congregation to establish their own place of worship, once again restoring a part of their culture which bestowed upon them their unique character.

Schisms: First Baptist Church

Indicative of this nature was the congregation of the First Baptist Church. At their original location on Washington Street, they welcomed all people to their English language services. Predominantly white and English speaking from the time of its inception, the congregation welcomed all who desired to worship with them. With the passing of time, a large number of Black and German Baptists joined the congregation. As newcomers to an established congregation, they were faced with the issue of either accepting the ideologies in place and adapting to the methods of service and administration employed, or seeking out a religious environment where they could fashion them to their individual needs. Consequently, as individuals became more attune to their own needs, they aligned with others expressing those views and sought the comfort and security of their own congregation.

In 1836, the Black members departed and established the Second Baptist Church, the first such congregation in the city. Thirteen years later, in 1849, the German members, lacking resolve to stay with the congregation where their native tongue was used, established the First German Baptist Church. Unwavering in their commitment to the preservation of the ideals which made them culturally unique, this congregation became home to Baptists of diverse origins. Through the work of its members, Dutch, Poles and Hungarians all sought refuge here, resulting in the formation of ethnically diverse congregations for each group in 1851, 1894 and 1915 respectively.

Thus, the establishment of a religious institution often constituted an important accept in the preservation of those things which made a group of people culturally unique. The Germans, as the city's largest immigrant group, were the forerunners of such ideologies. For them, the house of worship constituted an important means for the preservation of the elements which made them singularly distinct in a city built on the distinctions of its immigrant groups. With the arrival of successive groups, the struggle repeated itself again and again as each group sought to preserve those things which gave them an identity in an otherwise faceless world.

Schisms because of language

But if the preservation of the language and the cultural identifiers accompanying that language were preeminently important to many members of a congregation, it also formed a point which served to divide many once united groups of people. Again prevalent among the German congregations, schisms based on language often split once strong, united bodies of people. With one side steadfast in the preservation of the language, mediation often would not result in a suitable solution to the fortitude and will of the divergent groups. Consequently, the once united group would divide with one remaining behind while the other forged on in a new direction.

These schisms, which resulted in the formation of new congregations, were primarily the outcome of the desires of a younger generation of members. Having either been brought to this country at an early age or born here, they did not have the strong commitment to preserving their ancestral language. Coupled with the social influences exerted upon them by an English-speaking society, they began to embrace the English word. Thus, without a comprehensive understanding of their native tongue, the use of it in services took on a lessened level of importance for them. In seeking a greater use of English, they were often prospects of seceding from their original house of worship in order to establish one which more closely suited their needs. Among those congregations formed out of linguistic differences were Holy Trinity Evangelical Lutheran on Main (1878), Calvary English Evangelical Lutheran on Ellicott at Dodge (1891), and Immanuel Evangelical on Military (1904).

Schisms because of music

A further instance of this desire to assert and maintain one's beliefs is demonstrated by the formation of a new congregation as a result of a schism involving what musical selections would be performed during services. Isolated though it is, it demonstrates the will and fortitude possessed by the members of the city's early congregations. In 1883, after an often heated exchange regarding the organist's control of the music, a number of members left St. Paul's United Evangelical Church and organized that of St. Mark's. However, fate intervened in 1929 when the two congregations put aside their differences and reunited.

Schisms: St. Louis Roman Catholic Church

Perhaps the most famous schism resulting in the establishment of other congregations occurred during the earliest of years of organized religion in Buffalo. Based less on the struggle to maintain a cultural identity and more on the intricacies of that culture, the early members of St. Louis Roman Catholic Church will long remain the prime example of the perseverance of a group of people and their efforts to preserve what is important to them.

Accustomed to an autocratic means of parish rule and financing, the German members challenged the newly arrived Bishop, John Timon, over his desire to control the finances of the parish. Staunch in their commitment to their beliefs, they assumed and maintained control of the parish during its formative years. As a result, the various ethnic factions of the congregation slowly left to organize as their own entities. The Irish formed St. Patrick's (destroyed) then on Washington Street and Batavia (Broadway) Road and later on Emslie and Seymour (1837), a number of Germans formed St. Mary's (destroyed) on Batavia Road and Pine Street (1843), the French formed St. Peter's, now known as Our Lady of Lourdes on Main (1850) and still more Germans left to form St. Michael's on Washington (1851).

Schisms: St. Adalbert's RC Church

History repeated itself over fifty years later with the occurrence of a similar power struggle amongst the Poles at St. Adalbert's parish. Also desiring a greater degree of control in the property which their donations had built and maintained, the members of the parish challenged the Catholic Diocese on this issue. Not able to reach an agreeable solution, the opposing group departed and established Holy Mother of the Rosary on Sobieski (1895).

Unity prevailed amongst the congregation for fifteen years until the same issue of control divided them. Through a series of manipulative measures, the Catholic Diocese gained control of Holy Mother of the Rosary, once again expelled the dissenters, and proceeded to establish a Roman Catholic congregation in the building. Not willing to sit back and allow fate to repeat itself, the second-time exiles brought their plight to the attention of the courts, the outcome of the oft-heated battle being the return of their property to them and the diocesan establishment of a separate Roman Catholic parish, Queen of the Most Holy Rosary, less then one block away on Sycamore (1913).

This division of united groups of people has played a significant role in the establishment of a number of new congregations, often resulting in the construction of places of worship in areas where none had previously existed. As each separation occurred, it was often the norm for the departing group to relocate in an area geographically isolated from the mother church. Thus, religion and population spread beyond the traditional confines of the central business district.


Houses of worship and neighborhood development

Recognizing the importance of the phenomenology of religion, or its significance to a large portion of the citizenry of Buffalo, developers, acknowledging its resulting economic impact, often sought the support of a religious body when formulating the development of a new neighborhood. Although not restricted to the Roman Catholic faith, developers did recognize the influence of the house of worship on this group. In several instances developers elicited the support of the Catholic Diocese prior to planning the formation of neighborhoods on the fringe areas of the city. Occurring both historically and in modern times, it becomes impossible to deny the importance of the house of worship in creating a focus for a neighborhood in an area where one previously did not exist.

What can the house of worship provide for the developer that they can not create for prospective residents of a neighborhood? The draw had to be quite strong for time and time again, the city witnessed the development of new neighborhoods in otherwise untouched areas. And the prime motivator for development was the decision of the Catholic Diocese, or another religious body, to construct a house of worship within the proposed area of development.

Historically, the house of worship served a purpose which far transcended its ramifications as a place to venerate a higher being or to attain and preserve a state of spiritual enlightenment. In Medieval times, it served as the center of entire towns and communities, being the largest and most recognizable edifice on the landscape. As approached from the isolation of the forest and surrounding farmland, the appearance of the church tower and steeple signaled the presence of a place, a destination. It served to fortify the importance of that place. Often fronting on a public square,the house of worship functioned as did the stoa for the Romans. It was a place of commerce where merchants would set up shop, capitalizing on the possibilities of trade with both the residents of, and the pilgrims visiting the town.

Transformed to modern times, the house of worship became the focal point for a large group of people, a group which more often than not, as in historic times, had a vested interest in the building itself. Seeing it rise from the foundation, and many times personally investing time, energy and financial means towards its construction, they had a tie to the building which far superseded its spiritual significance. What the residents of the developing neighborhood did was to create more than a spiritual focus for their community, they did in fact create the social focus of it. They had created their place.

Thus, it is the power of religion as a unifying force which had a severe impact upon the formation of many of the ethnic neighborhoods in the city. As many immigrants had strong ties to the church in their homelands and with a large number journeying here to escape religious persecution, the importance of the house of worship was practically predestined. With the common ties of language and culture, the house of worship became a place where all remained equal in their sense of belonging. Regardless of social rank in the community here or in their place of origin, the house of worship provided an Eden and a place of tranquility where balance existed and remained providing one did not act overzealously towards upsetting that balance. As each member's place within the congregation was a direct result of their desire to attain such a position, harmony among members existed naturally, only being upset when specific actions were initiated to differentiate one person or group of people from the others.

Consequently, the unified congregation presented itself to its neighborhood as an institution in which membership became both spiritually and socially desirable. Whether alone or in groups,the house of worship provided the immigrant with a social outlet

Developer Jabez Goodell

As early as 1834, the city's landowners recognized the importance of and the potential of a religious body in developing and increasing the desirability of a new neighborhood. In that year, Jabez Goodell offered, free of charge, the plot of land on the northeast corner of Genesee and Hickory Streets to the German Evangelical Society. Worshipping in a school house on the corner of Franklin and Eagle Streets, the St. Peter's Evangelical site was located one mile away in Church an area then sited on the fringe of, the downtown core. Calculating that the presence of a house of worship would serve to mark the importance of the area to residents new to the city, Goodell offered the land with the hopes of developing the streets which currently surround the building. His farsightedness paid off handsomely, for within ten years, the area had become home to a sizable German population who belonged to that and a number of other congregations then existing there. (It should be noted that in the mid 1800s the area was not geographically isolated as it is today. Construction of the Kensington Expressway in the 1950s forever severed the neighborhood from the Fruit Belt, leaving the two distinct communities existing today.)

Developer Steven Van Rensselaer and Saint Ann's

Over twenty years later, the story repeated itself. Steven Van Rensselaer, with the hopes of developing the vast holding of land bordering Broadway east of Jefferson, escorted Bishop Timon to a site on which he desired a Catholic house of worship be established. Once again, recognizing the importance of the house of worship to the immigrant population, in this instance the Germans, he felt that the presence of a Catholic congregation in the developing neighborhood would serve as a dynamic catalyst, inducing further settling in the area. The bishop, finding the site suitable for both a congregation, and the college he had hopes of establishing, accepted the offer. With that gesture, the congregation of St. Ann's Roman Catholic Church became the first religious presence in that otherwise rural environment.

Van Rensselaer's vision proved correct, for within that year, 1858, the congregation of St. Stephen's Evangelical Church relocated from its original meeting place on Tupper and Ellicott to a site around the corner from St. Ann's, further increasing the attractiveness of the area.

By October, Trinity Old Lutheran, then on Goodell and Maple, founded the mission congregation of St. Andrew's Evangelical Lutheran on Sherman, thus establishing the third religious presence in the area that year. The vitality brought to this formerly desolate area, and and the growth which accompanied the arrival of the initial settlers, is evident in the reality of each congregation's phenomenal pattern of growth. Within twenty-five years, each had embarked on either substantial enlargements of their original buildings or complete replacements, the most dramatic remnant of this growth being the soaring edifice of St. Ann's. Fronting on Broadway, it stands as a powerful reminder to the influence of the house of worship in establishing a neighborhood.

Developer Joseph Bork and Polonia

St. Ann's remains an important image in relation to the development of its geographic setting and to the city as a whole. However, the most powerful influence the house of worship has ever exerted in the development of Buffalo lies further east on Broadway in what was Polonia, the Polish East Side.

Prior to 1874, the East Side of Buffalo retained its rural nature. Dotted by farms and large tracts of timber, dissected by the east/west line of Batavia Road and a few rail lines, the area existed as a sleepy backwater on the edge of the city, ripe for development. Concurrently, the city witnessed the establishment of a small population of Polish immigrants residing in the German neighborhoods along the lower portion of Broadway. But many more Poles were only stopping here, viewing Buffalo as a springboard to the established Polish communities further west.

At that time, Joseph Bork, owner of vast land holdings on the city's East Side, recognized that Polish immigrants were merely passing through the city, with very few remaining. Inquisitive as to why this trend was occurring, he discovered that their destinations, mainly Chicago and Detroit, had established Polish neighborhoods. But it was not simply these neighborhoods that attracted them, it was the focus of the neighborhood, the house of worship, which gave them a sense of place there. Understanding this trend, Bork realized that the future of his property, and of a large portion of the city, lay in convincing the Poles that they had a reason to remain here.

In 1873, Bork deeded property on the northeast corner of Peckham and Wilson to the Catholic Diocese of Buffalo hoping the Bishop would use the land for a Catholic congregation. By June of the year, a large number of Polish Catholics who had been worshipping with the German members of St. Michael's on Washington Street organized themselves as the parish of St. Stanislaus. With the cohesiveness their ethnicity provided them, and now in need of a place of worship of their own, the Bishop saw it fitting that the land donated by Bork be utilized. In January, 1874 the congregation of St. Stanislaus dedicated their first house of worship on Peckham Street.

With a building to call their own, and one that clearly established a sense of place for the Polish immigrants, great interest in the East Side occurred. Immediately, Poles residing in the Broadway and Pine neighborhood began to relocate there. Working feverishly to keep up with demand, Bork had constructed approximately 400 homes in the vicinity by the summer. The influx of people to the area proved to be more than just an isolated migration. By January, 1879, only five years since the establishment of the congregation, 2,500 Poles resided in the area.

The presence of a house of worship provided a catalyst for a phenomenal pattern of growth for the East Side. Having a place of worship to call their own, and grasping the sense of community created by such a building, Polish immigrants no longer passed through the city on their way west. With the influence of the church both spiritually and socially, they were furnished with a means of establishing ties which would bring them together and keep them united. Living within the shadows their original frame house of worship, their numbers grew to such an extent that by
1890, over 20,000 Poles resided in the area, then being served by an additional parish, St. Adalbert's. In the years which followed, the Polish domination of the East Side would continue, resulting in the establishment of ten individual congregations each providing for the spiritual and social needs of a distinct group of Polish immigrants.

By the 1920s, Polonia had developed into a community whose commercial growth rivaled that of the downtown core. The intersection of Broadway and Fillmore constituted the heart of the community and along those streets the shops of merchants provided for all the wants and needs of the residents. Finding it unnecessary to leave the neighborhood, the residents comprised the tightest ethnic enclave the city had seen. With the exception of those who would leave the area to tend their jobs in steel, automotive and other industries, there was little need for residents to venture far, as in addition to the availability consumer goods, the neighborhood also provided their places for entertainment and socializing.

The growth of the Polish East Side, and the resulting increase in the number of houses of worship, is demonstrative of the power of organized religion and its effect on establishing cohesive groups of people and neighborhoods. As the population spread through the city in the years prior to and immediately after the turn of the century, a number of new neighborhoods were developed. No less important than the original neighborhoods, these areas were the homes of first- and second-generation immigrant families. Necessitated by the crowded conditions in the fringe areas around the original downtown core, the introduction of the streetcar and the ease of transportation from one area of the city to another, aided in the settlement of these new neighborhoods.

Relocation in new neighborhoods

As the population moved further from existing houses of worship into newly developed areas, the need for additional buildings became apparent. In many instances, established congregations, recognizing that their original locations within the central business district proved to be too far from their members, opted to relocate to the developing neighborhoods. Hoping to rebuild in an area which would prove to be geographically close to the residences of their members, as well as in an area whose potential for growth provided the prospect of additional new members, congregations which were deeply rooted within the fabric and history of the city cautiously left the comfort and security of their original homes to venture into pioneer neighborhoods.

Although not enticed to relocate to their desired sites by developers anxious for the growth potential the presence of a house of worship creates, the resulting patterns of development surrounding the new locations cannot be denied. Often rebuilding on a prominent site within a neighborhood, most preferably the high profile corner location, the arrival of the new house of worship more often than not coincided with that of the first wave of development. Seeking the heightened level of visibility provided by the corner, it was the hope of many congregations that new members would be enticed to join theirs and not a rival one, thus assuring the success of and future in their new location.

The first congregations to move to a new location were the oldest, most established ones in the city. Having been founded in the early years of the city's development, their houses of worship were located in an area where the increasing value of their property served as an incentive for relocation. The potential to convert their property to building capital often proved to be too great a temptation for many congregations to resist. Coupled with the prospects of new members and the prosperity promised by relocating, many congregations succumbed to the desires of the developers and sold their downtown buildings. In doing so, they assisted in generating an environment which encouraged the growth of commercial development and the creation of a regional commercial center, while still upholding the fundamental concept of the neighborhood and their role in its development.

Coinciding with the creation of the downtown core, an event which owed itself to the invention and utilization of structural steel, by the late 1880s, the exodus had begun. Leaving the comforts of their old, established locations, they foraged out to recreate themselves. Some moved only a few blocks from their original locations.

Relocation in new neighborhoods: First Presbyterian Church

Many, however, moved miles uptown into developing areas. The congregation of First Presbyterian Church, long a fixture on Shelton Square was the first to relocate. Realizing that commercial development was quickly surrounding their downtown location and that it had become significantly removed from the current residences of its members, they searched for a site which would once again prove fruitful in their continuing mission. Selling their site on Main and Church Streets to the Erie Savings Bank, they relocated to a prominent position at the southern terminus of what is now Richmond Avenue.

This exodus neither gained momentum nor did it ever have a peak period. It was less a phenomena per se and more a matter of proper business practice, occurring as one congregation after another weighed its options and its chances of survival before arriving at their decision. First and foremost to their survival was the need to maintain a level of membership which would support the operations of the property. With the population decentralizing, and the current locations no longer being in the midst of its members, decisions were made to ensure that as the population migrated, the individual member's loyalty would remain aligned with their place of worship. However difficult it may have been to leave the comfort and security of their original locations, each move was made with the prospects of a brighter future in the forefront of the decision process.

The congregation of St. John's Episcopal Church, a downtown fixture since 1845, in moving north to Colonial Circle, the confluence of Bidwell Parkway, Lafayette Avenue and Richmond, was one of the initial migrant congregations. Never recovering from a membership loss after a division in opinion arose over rebuilding their fire gutted building, in 1892 they moved to their completed chapel amid the open spaces of the northern section of the city.

Two years later, the congregation of the Lafayette Square Presbyterian Church, located downtown since 1832, joined them when they began constructing their landmark building on an undeveloped site on the corner of Bouck Street (Lafayette) and Elmwood Avenue.

In the ensuing years, many congregations followed these leads, relocating to the burgeoning neighborhoods in the city's northern districts. The North Presbyterian Church, a downtown landmark on Main Street at Chippewa since 1847, had noted a considerable decrease in membership prior to their move in 1905 to the corner of Delaware and West Utica.

The Central Presbyterian Church, located on Pearl near Genesee since 1835, was faced with the same circumstance. As early as 1890, they had noticed a decline in membership. Even a disastrous fire to their building in 1907 did little to lessen their desire to maintain a Presbyterian presence in the downtown core. It was only after the failure of a drive to raise an endowment that they made the decision, in 1910, to move to a Main Street location in the Parkside area.

Although the relocation of established houses of worship helped to alleviate some of the demand for a religious presence in the developing sections of the city, it would not and could not offer itself as the final solution to the needs of the residents. As the population migrated into these new neighborhoods, some residents traveled to their original places of worship for spiritual fulfillment. Familiar with the order of service and the hierarchy which existed in their congregation, in returning each week, they were able to maintain a level of comfort and certainty in their lives. While this type of arrangement may have proved suitable for some, not all found and maintained satisfaction with the situation.

Neighborhood development and missions

Seeing these new neighborhoods as a vast window of opportunity for spreading their beliefs and views, many zealous ministers desired to establish new congregations. Consequentially, the missionary would arrive in the neighborhood prior to efforts by a governing body, such as the Catholic Diocese or the Lutheran Synod, at establishing a congregation. They were willing to take the chance at establishing a congregation in an area which was initially not considered suitable by the Diocese or Synod. The new congregations, referred to as missions, were often set up under the guidance of a mother congregation. Receiving a significant level of financial support from that mother church or another significant sponsor, these new places of worship often served to further the utopian intentions of their organizers. Intent on spreading the word to people who would otherwise themselves have to search for it, the missionary provided a convenient, local solution to their perceived needs for a place of worship.

Arriving after the neighborhood had completed its initial wave of settlement, the missionary's work involved determining the actual needs of the people, and then utilizing these needs to create a degree of interest and excitement in the prospects of a new house of worship. With the initial groundwork complete, they were then faced with the challenge of organizing those interested, often no more than a handful, into a viable congregation. Working through these lean years, the fledgling congregations would often meet in the homes of its members or in any rented or donated space. There the group remained until reaching the stage in their development where they could initiate planning for the ultimate symbol of unity and power, the house of worship.

Establishing a mission congregation in such a manner often served to fuel the image of its founder. Strongly convicted to, and firmly believing in their ideologies, the creation of a mission in the likeness of the parent organization served to further solidify its importance and magnitude. Holding the view that people gather to hear the delivery of the word in a manner which is both agreeable and fulfilling to them, in establishing a mission, the founder further reinforces their perception of the importance of their work and of the very things which give that work its individual character. Singularly, in giving physical form to their beliefs and convictions, the organizers of the mission congregation create a memorial, a memorial to their views and to the belief which others hold in those views.

Rev. Charles Smith and Episcopal missions

Throughout the history of organized religion within the city of Buffalo, one man stands out as being a leader in the establishment of mission congregations. Being a pastor of his own congregation, he did not have the benefit of a wide ranging influence upon the people that a Bishop or other high-ranking official within an affiliation would have. Still his output proved to be almost prolific, establishing missions and congregations in many of the neighborhoods on the city's South and East sides. As pastor of St. James Episcopal Church on Seneca Street, Rev. Charles Smith served as the spiritual leader for what at one time was a wealthy congregation. Captivated by their charismatic leader, the members were especially generous in giving support to mission congregations. Often taking it upon themselves to spread their wealth to areas where they perceived a need for an additional house of worship, they readily gave of their resources to assure the success of each mission.

Working with the members of his congregation, Rev. Smith successfully established a number of missions including St. Thomas on South Park (1876), St. Matthew's on Seneca (1884), St. Peter's on Lovejoy (1887), St. Stephen's on Bailey (1891), St. Jude's on Macamley (1895) and St. Simon's on Cazenovia (1891). He also established an ill-fated mission, Epiphany, on Willett Street, as well as arranging funding for the construction of a new house of worship for the congregation of St. Clement's on Sussex. With the support of his flock, the work of Rev. Smith represents a substantial contribution towards the growth of organized religion in the city.

Baptist missions

The creation of such mission congregations was not always a phenomena which occurred by chance. Usually, attention to the need for spiritual fulfillment was brought on by the residents of developing neighborhoods themselves. Familiar with the operations of their former congregations, members who had since moved away often grew weary of traveling the distance to their original places of worship for weekly services. Consequently, they would request of their former congregations, assistance in establishing one which met their needs in their new neighborhoods. So true of the city's German immigrants, the desire to live near one's place of worship served as the catalyst for the organization of numerous congregations with the parent church serving as the initial sponsor. Responding to the spread of the city's population during the closing decades of the nineteenth century, the establishment of new missions closely mirrored these new settlement patterns. With the support of their former members, the parent congregationsestablished strong, vibrant parishes among the neighborhoods where they currently resided.

The members of the First German Baptist Church on Spruce Street constituted one of the most influential congregations in placing houses of worships in locations geographically proximate to its members. Functioning as the parent church of the majority of ethnic Baptists, it played a role in establishing homes for six congregations. Prior to each group officially organizing and separating from the parent church, they met united with the members of the First German Church. But as they, themselves began to organize as an ethnic entity geographically located within the city, they desired a place of their own in which to worship. The five congregations formally established the Dutch Baptist Church (1851, destroyed), Second German Baptist Church (1852, destroyed), Third German Baptist Church on HighStreet (1856), First Polish Baptist Church on Fillmore Avenue (1894) and the First Hungarian Baptist on Austin Street (1915).

Lutheran missions

First Trinity Lutheran Church on Michigan Avenue is another congregation instrumental in establishing mission congregations in areas where its members had relocated. One of the city's leading Lutheran congregations, they were firmly rooted within thehistory of downtown Buffalo for almost one hundred twenty years. As its members moved into the area north of the Fruit Belt, they established thecongregation of Emmaus Lutheran on Southampton (1889). As the German population established itself in the far East Side neighborhoods along GeneseeStreet, they established Gethsemane Lutheran Church on Goodyear Street (1892). Responding to the pressures of a building no longer central to its members, in 1958 the congregation, providing a modern day example of relocation, moved to a site on Niagara Falls Boulevard.

The spread and shift of ethnic groups within the city isindicative of the wants and needs of each group. Upon moving into a newly developed neighborhood, these residents would naturally desire a place with which they could identify as their own.

Historically, the house of worship served this purpose for them. With individual groups guided by their own set of principles and beliefs, each would therefore desire to express its unity and influence through the construction of a building. As a result, the city is marked by these buildings which serve as visual clues to its religious history.


Post-World War II migration

As a shift in population distribution occurred during the years following World War II, many congregations were once again faced with this migration, thus perpetrating a trend which had been occurring since the earliest years of the city. In no way a modern day occurrence, the migration of the city's residents and the subsequent establishment of additional places of worship has been a phenomenon which has been with us since the founding of the city. The Episcopal Church of the Ascension (1855) was one of the first congregations organized at the request of a migrating group of people. Today, one hardly considers the corner of North and Franklin Streets to be suburban, but in the 1850s, as the population began to push northward, it was the very edge of civilization for the residents then living there. Then as now, as people moved to an area which lacked a religious presence, they were forced to take thenecessary steps to assure that their needs were met in that regards.

With the population shifting at an accelerated level during the post-WWII years, older, established populations were leaving the city and were replaced by younger ones. While having a sweeping effect upon the economics of the city in general, the departure of a large number of people effected the state of organized religion in ways from which it did not know how to recover. Since these departing people were the ones who formed the core membership of many houses of worship, with many not returning for weekly worship, upon their exodus, they left behind the reality of many empty seats.

The legacy of the urban church lies in its individuality. Having been established by a specific group of people for any of the reasons previously discussed, these groups presented an exclusive nature to the new residents. Not being part of the prevalent society, and not being instantly welcomed into it, they simply did not join. Hence, these historically strong and selfsufficient congregations were faced with the dilemma of what to do with buildings which were vestiges to a time which had past. Some recognized the challenge and began to reach out to the new arrivals in their communities. Still, many others carried on, feeling that the changes occurring around them would not and could not affect them.

The progression of time has written the final chapters on many once thriving congregations. They could not stop the change in the demographics of their neighborhoods, and therefore, they felt they could not stop the change it would inflict upon them. As aresult, a large number of them were forced to reassess their roles in the community. Decision making on this level often produced results which were primarily beneficial to the congregation.

With the arrival of the Post World War II period, the city began to witness a change in the way the economy had functioned almost since its founding. Disinvestment left many manufacturers with aging, outdated equipment which would no longer held acompetitive edge. Additionally, outside interests began to purchase facilities which had been Buffalo owned and operated since their inception. Lacking the ties to the City which the former owners had, they often made decisions which, while best for the company, often had a drastic impact on the economics of the city. They often found it more beneficial to cease operations than to replace or update equipment and operating procedures, the end result being the cessation of operations.

Concurrently, there also emerged a change in the values held by residents. The availability of the automobile and the increased attention paid towards the ease of travel created by them, further compounded the problems of the city. The construction of the Niagara Section of the Thruway, and in particular the Kensington and Scajaquada Expressways, did as much to hurt the city as it did to help it. The line of a highway on a map shows little sympathy to the roots, ties and stability which aneighborhood provides. Consequently, a community once united found itself severed by four or six lanes of traffic moving at a rapid rate. No matter how many bridges or pedestrian overpasses were built, the trauma and scars left could not be mended by time.

As the residents began to flee the city for the perceived peace and tranquility the suburbs provided, congregations began to search for new means to replace their loss in membership. Repeatedly, this search led them to the areas where their members and former members currently lived: the suburbs. Those who felt they could survive such an uprooting elected to relocate, either selling the buildings which for decades stood as a symbol of their unity or abandoning the properties altogether. Others considered their locations within the geographic proximity of congregations sharing similar beliefs and voted to merge, the united congregations worshipping in one building. The ultimate destiny facing some was simply to disband, leaving its former members on their own and the future of its property to fate.

There were, however, congregations whose fates were not within their own control. Being part of a governing body or diocese which exerted power over their operations, they became victims of that body's desire to do what was best for the majority.Particularly true of the Catholic and Episcopal faiths, individual congregations, no matter now strong the will of their members, often fell victim of attempts todownsize and streamline operations on a diocesan level. Indicative of this trend is the Catholic downsizing of inner city parishes which peaked in 1994, resulting in the closing and consolidation of five congregations. Lacking the necessary resources to run parishes with aging buildings and congregations unable to fully support the operations of such facilities, the often painful decision was made to ceaseoperations at a particular parish.

Fate of abandoned buildings

Not all the buildings survived. Many were purchased by new congregations with hopes and aspirations which exceeded their ability to manage the challenges presented by an older, historic property. Cyclically, the trend repeated itself, from neighborhood to neighborhood, transcending all areas of the city. Not one section of the city remained exempt from it. Theeconomics of sustaining a congregation and a building often proved too powerful for even the oldest, most solid groups.

Some buildings were reused, given a secular function which frequently continued to serve the neighborhood. Other buildings were simply abandoned, and with that abandonment surfaced the threats of demolition. A couple were saved and many more were lost, some intentionally through demolition and some through catastrophes such as fire.

A few remain unused. Abandoned, these buildings present an ominous facade to an equallyominous neighborhood, standing as a ghostly sentinel to a period of time long passed.


Outline of the book

What follows are the stories of the survivors. They remain,deeply imbedded within the fabric of the city, standing asreminders of who we are and who we were. They are the stories of all citizens of the city, stories of the sweat and labor of our ancestors, of their hopes, dreams and aspirations. The stories are the reasons why, the reasons behind each building. As each building was once important to a specific group of people, each stands as a visual reminder of their story.

The city has been divided into thirty sections reflective of either the ethnic settlement patterns of the areas or of theunique geographic features (rail lines, creeks, bridges, mainthoroughfares) which separate and add to the distinctive nature of each area. Each section is preceded by a short sketch which gives information as to how and why the area developed as well as clues to how each neighborhood is unusual. Following are the extant houses of worship, buildings originally designed for worship, which are or were free standing on at least three sides,or, if part of a larger whole, are clearly recognizable as a distinct worship space. They are arranged in an order which facilitates a self guided tour through each of the thirty sections.

Each building is identified with the name it was given at the time of construction, its year of construction, its location on the street or intersection, the architect(s)' name when known and the date the congregation who built it was founded. A short vignette on each building follows which mentions important facts leading up to the construction of that building.

There exist a number of buildings where the records of thecongregation are lost to time, and their histories are thereforeunknown. Also, a few congregations elected not to supply or did not have the necessary materials available to include theirhistories. The entries contained represent all extant houses ofworship within the city limits of Buffalo, New York, which were specifically designed and built with the intent of worship as of February, 1994. Any history is an ongoing process and as a result may lead to some conflicts and omissions as old buildings are destroyed and new ones are constructed.

An extensive slide library containing over 3,000 color imagesfeaturing exterior views of every-house of worship and interiorviews of selected buildings is available by contacting theauthor. Publication of this work by the Western New YorkHeritage Institute as a fully illustrated guidebook to thereligious architecture of Buffalo, New York is pending and should be available in local bookstores and libraries in late 1996. [This did not occur.]


© 1995 James Napora
Page by Chuck LaChiusa with the assistance of David Torke
| ...Home Page ...| ..Buffalo Architecture Index...| ..Buffalo History Index... |.....E-Mail ...| .

web site consulting by ingenious, inc.